NRDC is working to make the Global Climate Action Summit a success by inspiring more ambitious commitments for the historic 2015 agreement and strengthened initiatives to reduce pollution. The agreement includes a commitment by all countries to reduce emissions and cooperate to adapt to the effects of climate change and calls on countries to strengthen their commitments over time. The agreement provides a way for developed countries to assist developing countries in their climate change and adaptation efforts, while creating a framework to transparently monitor and report on countries` climate goals. INDCs become NDCs – national contributions – as soon as a country formally accedes to the agreement. There are no specific requirements on how or to what extent countries should reduce emissions, but there were political expectations about the nature and rigour of different countries` targets. As a result, national plans are very different in scale and ambition and largely reflect each country`s capabilities, level of development and contribution to emissions over time. For example, China has committed to leveling its CO2 emissions by 2030 at the latest and reducing CO2 emissions per unit of gross domestic product (GDP) by 60-65% by 2030 compared to their 2005 level. India has set a target of reducing emissions intensity by 33-35% compared to 2005 by 2030 and producing 40% of its electricity from non-fossil sources. The Kyoto Protocol, a pioneering environmental agreement adopted at COP3 in Japan in 1997, is the first time that nations have agreed on legal country-specific emission reduction targets. The protocol, which only entered into force in 2005, set binding emission reduction targets only for industrialized countries, arguing that they were responsible for most of the world`s high greenhouse gas emissions. The United States initially signed the agreement, but never ratified it; President George W. Bush argued that the deal would hurt the U.S. economy because developing countries like China and India would not be involved.
Without the participation of these three countries, the effectiveness of the treaty has proven to be limited, as its objectives cover only a small fraction of total global emissions. This provision requires the “link” between different emissions trading schemes – as measured emission reductions must avoid “double counting”, the transferred mitigation results must be accounted for as a gain in emission units for one party and a reduction in emission units for the other party.  Due to the heterogeneity of NDCs and national emissions trading schemes, ITMS, under the auspices of the UNFCCC, will provide a comprehensive interconnection format.  The provision therefore also creates pressure on countries to introduce emission management systems – if a country wants to use less costly cooperative approaches to achieve its DNNs, it must monitor the carbon units for its economies.  On August 27, 2017, the Trump administration officially conveyed to the United Nations that the United States intended to withdraw from the Paris Agreement as soon as it was legally entitled to do so.  The withdrawal request could only be filed when the agreement for the United States entered into force on November 4, 2019 for a three-year sentence.   On November 4, 2019, the U.S. government deposited the withdrawal notification with the United Nations Secretary-General, depositary of the agreement, and formally withdrew from the Paris Climate Agreement a year later.  After the November 2020 election, President-elect Joe Biden pledged to reinstate the United States in the Paris Agreement on his first day in office and to renew America`s commitment to mitigate climate change.
  A preliminary study impacting the inventory was published in Nature Communications in April 2020. . . .